Myths and reality behind BT affairs

The first private news paper Bhutan Times was forced to go for outsourcing to ensure its regular publication after a group of seven journalists, including its editor, resigned abruptly on October 22 afternoon saying management had undue interference on editorial issues.

The problem began shortly after enthronement of Wangcha Sangey as the new executive chief of the company already reeling under heavy debts. The resignation did bring some contrasting reactions from locals and global viewers. While onus to speak reality behind the incidence lies with the players, outsiders can only play with what has been said and seen physically.

In its editorial in the first issue after the mass resignation, the weekly indirectly blamed the journalists for failing to do their part on protecting democracy that is taking root very recently.

It is strange that private media was commissioned by the Fourth King to protect and promote democracy. Yet, the darker and more scarier side of democracy is also filtering in from the side of the media itself. It has been the dream of every Bhutanese to present a democracy that is as unique as its origin from the throne. A democracy that reflects and is hinged on our development aspirations of Gross National Happiness. This was stirred and shaken with the solidarity march which emanated mostly from people in the media.

The speakers who dared not to speak anything about democracy till some years back, alleging it to be a political form that destroys national harmony, now links everything with democracy. The editorial failed to mention how the management played role in protecting democracy while imposing its interest on editorial team. Media plays its role in democracy only when it is let to work independently, especially, letting the editorial team to decide what to write and what not. Management can suggest, not impose.

The ethnic discrimination continues to pass through Bhutanese mind despite reshuffle in the political system and adopting democracy. According to disgruntled journalists, the CEO warned the editor to realize this ‘social standing’, indirectly hinting this Nepali-origin editor to be a citizen of lesser status. In many occasion, the ruling community people term people of Nepali-origin to be migrant or from Nepal. The sore reached its peak in 1990 and is still not healed.

This group, who worked as voice of the people, became voiceless when they stepped out of the paper. None of the newspapers supported their cause of working for editorial independence. The first daily, in fact the only daily, Bhutan Today even challenged these journalists of trying to kill Bhutan Times and take up job in a new newspaper. Business Bhutan, the weekly magazine also supported the management of Bhutan Times. The way papers presented themselves has clearly paved a highway for the management to impose their interests in other media outlets as well in future. This is darker side of the free media in new democracy.

The new management of the paper showed its cruelty at the first show. From the day Sangey entered the company as CEO, he supposedly cut down tea budget for the reporters. According to him, it was necessary step to cut unnecessary expenses to bring down the losses company has been incurring. On the other side he, as chief of the board of directors of the company, increased his salary. While former CEO was given Nu 60,000 a month, this new CEO will take Nu 110,000 per month as salary. Will cost cutting measures like slashing tea budget cover this expense for CEO? The attempt of the new CEO to protect his step is questionable when it comes to relieving the company from debts. And possibly, the new CEO might have already chosen other reporters who can work in lesser budget under his command.

Right after the resignation, the Bhutan InfoComm and Media Authority (BICMA) wrote the CEO to submit the list of new journalists working with the paper with their credentials. It was a regular duty for BICMA as prescribed by law. The new CEO hired team from K4 Media, another private media company planning for a new monthly magazine shortly, to bring out the new issue of the weekly paper. The outgoing of the seven reporters and entry of K4 Media people within a few minutes time seems to be a drama already planned in advance. In other sense, Sangey had already contacted the K4 Media group to take up the job when reporters are likely to go out under force.

The reply CEO wrote to BICMA also reflects his personality as a media owner. This man has, proved worst in work history while in Royal Insurance Company of Bhutan, claimed himself to be a ‘senior citizen of 57 years with a track record of proven capabilities and established credentials’ and added the letter from the BICMA insulted his personality.

He writes,
BICMA shares the ruthless strategy of the BT News Room renegades to close down the publication of the news paper. And that you feel it is the right time to strike down Bhutan Times Newspaper which is the only news corporation independent of government or individual proprietorship influence in the the Kingdom of Bhutan. BICMA’s another stand is that the state must approve the editorial team which means the state controls the news. BICMA could do a great media sensitization service for the general public if you broadcast your vaunted “Provision of the Act” that dictates “Editorial Team” of “Free Media” must be approved by the state authority and this is legislated by a democratic parliament. I can see one silver lining for the near bankrupt Bhutan Times. Would the state pay the salaries of the state approved editorial team?

His response published in his paper instead of sending it to BICMA offices, also ironically blamed former Kuensel chief and secretary of the ministry of communication, Kinley Dorij, who rather has no links in the dispute. Sangey wrote,
Let me also state herein what you already know as a matter of historical Bhutanese media hierarchy. That the present secretary of the Ministry of Communication and Information, who is your boss, was for a long time both the CEO and the Editor-in-Chief of Kuensel Corporation. That Tenzin Rigden, the former CEO of Bhutan Times, was also executing the role of the Editor-in-Chief after Tashi P. Wangdi left Bhutan Times. In fact, the editor, Gopilal Acharya, was transferred as a regional reporter. I brought him back to do the job of the editor. Therefore, the objection of BICMA is directed against me as an individual and has nothing to do with editorial interference.

In sum, this is a bad precedence set in the budding media industry and a great instrument for management in other media outlets to impose their interest in new room, softly killing free media, in future. Management in Bhutan media comes from the bureaucracy and business circles that fostered under the absolute regime talking for years against democracy, rights, freedom of expression and trade unions. Under new face, the same people have groomed the liberal society to take advantage of their privileges otherwise provided them by closed and uneducated Bhutanese society.

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Religious Freedom in Bhutan

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor

United Straates of America

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and other laws and policies contributed to the generally free practice of religion. Buddhism is the state's “spiritual heritage,” although in the southern areas many citizens openly practice Hinduism.

During the reporting period, the country completed its transition from a hereditary monarchy to a democratic, constitutional monarchy. On July 18, 2008, the Parliament formally adopted the Constitution, originally drafted in 2003 and published in 2005. The Constitution mandates that the King, the Druk Gyalpo, is the “protector of all religions” in the country.

While subtle pressure on non-Buddhists to observe the traditional Drukpa values and some limitations on constructing non-Buddhist religious buildings remained, the Government took steps to improve religious freedom in the country. There were no instances of the Government barring non-Buddhist missionaries from entering the country.

There were no reports of societal abuse or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Societal pressures toward non-Buddhists were reflected in official and unofficial efforts to uphold the “spiritual heritage” (Buddhism) of the country.

There are no formal diplomatic relations between the U.S. and the Government; however, there is cordial and ongoing bilateral interaction and the U.S. Government discusses religious freedom with the Government as part of its overall policy to promote human rights.

Section I. Religious Demography

The country has an area of 18,146 square miles and a population of 672,000, according to the 2005 census. Approximately two-thirds to three-quarters of the population practices Drukpa Kagyupa or Ningmapa Buddhism, both of which are disciplines of Mahayana Buddhism. Approximately one-quarter of the population is ethnic Nepalese and practices Hinduism. Christians, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, and nonreligious groups comprise less than one percent of the population.

Ethnic Ngalops, descendants of Tibetan immigrants, comprise the majority of the population in the western and central areas and mostly follow the Drukpa Kargyupa school.

Ethnic Sarchops, descendants of the country's probable original inhabitants, live in the East. Reportedly, some Sarchops practice Buddhism combined with elements of the Bön tradition (Animism) and Hinduism. Several Sarchops held high positions in the Government, the National Assembly, and the court system. The Government supports both Kagyupa and Ningmapa Buddhist monasteries. The royal family practices a combination of Ningmapa and Kagyupa Buddhism, and many citizens believe in the concept of “Kanyin-Zungdrel,” meaning “Kagyupa and Ningmapa as one.”

Bön, the country's animist and shamanistic belief system, revolves around the worship of nature and predates Buddhism. Although Bön priests often officiated and included Bön rituals in Buddhist festivals, very few citizens adhere exclusively to this religious group.

Hindus, mainly in the South, follow the Shaivite, Vaishnavite, Shakta, Ganapathi, Puranic, and Vedic schools. Hindu temples exist in Thimphu and southern areas, and Hindus practice their religious beliefs in small to medium-sized groups.

Christians are present throughout the country in very small numbers. There is reportedly one building dedicated to Christian worship in the South, the only area with a sufficiently large congregation to sustain a church; elsewhere, Christian families and individuals practice their religious beliefs at home. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) claimed the Government discouraged open worship by both large and small gatherings. International Christian relief organizations and Catholic Jesuit priests engaged in education and humanitarian activities.

Section II. Status of Religious Freedom
Legal/Policy Framework
The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and other laws and policies contributed to the generally free practice of religion. The Constitution was made public in 2005 and formally adopted by the National Assembly on July 18, 2008. The Constitution guarantees religious freedom as a fundamental right. It stipulates, "A Bhutanese citizen shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. No person shall be compelled to belong to another faith by means of coercion or inducement." It also states, "no one shall be discriminated against on the grounds of race, sex, language, religion, politics, or other status."
Mahayana Buddhism is the state's "spiritual heritage."

While the Constitution does not restrict the right to convert or proselytize, the Government limited this right in practice by restricting the construction of non-Buddhist religious buildings and the celebration of some non-Buddhist religious festivals.

The National Security Act (NSA) prohibits "words either spoken or written, or by other means whatsoever, that promote or attempt to promote, on grounds of religion, race, language, caste, or community, or on any other ground whatsoever, feelings of enmity or hatred between different religious, racial or language groups or castes and communities." Violating the NSA is punishable by up to three years' imprisonment, although it is not clear that the Government has enforced this provision of the act.

There are no laws against publishing religious material.

An annual government grant finances the country's Monastic Body of 3,500 monks. By statute, 10 seats in the 150-seat National Assembly and two seats on the 11-member Royal Advisory Council are reserved for Buddhist monks out of respect for the country's tradition of Buddhist spiritual oversight. There are no religious stipulations on the remaining seats. Many non-Buddhists work for the Government. The Special Commission for Cultural Affairs, with a Hindu priest as a member, also advises on religious matters.

The Marriage Act of 1980, as amended in 1996, addresses questions of family law such as marriage, divorce, adoption, and child custody. Traditionally, Buddhists and Hindus have resolved questions of family law according to their religion; however, this is changing as the country takes steps to strengthen its formal legal system. The country's legal system is based on customary law and Buddhist precepts.

The Government subsidized Buddhist monasteries and shrines and provided aid to approximately one-third of the kingdom's 12,000 monks. The Government committed to providing this support as a result of the 1956 land reform program, which stripped the monastic establishment of wide tracts of fertile land for redistribution among the landless.

The Government observes major Buddhist holy days as national holidays. The King declared one major Hindu festival to be a national holiday, and the royal family participated in it. NGO representatives living outside the country claimed that only Drukpa Kagyupa and Ningmapa Buddhist religious teaching was permitted in schools and that Buddhist prayer was compulsory in all government-run schools. The Government contended that there was no religious curriculum in educational institutions in the country. Buddhist teaching was permitted only in monastic schools; religious teaching was forbidden in other schools. Local NGO interlocutors confirmed that although students took part in a prayer session each morning, it was nondenominational and not compulsory.

The Government requires all citizens to wear traditional dress in certain public places such as Buddhist religious buildings, government offices, and schools, and for certain public functions and ceremonies. The law provides for a fine or imprisonment. Some citizens commented that enforcement was arbitrary and sporadic. The Government asserted that this requirement is intended to preserve the country's cultural integrity.

The Government continued issuing new national identity cards to "genuine" citizens. Human rights organizations alleged that large sections of the country's population are deemed ineligible for national identity cards. Persons holding residential permits, marriage certificate cards (those married to citizens), and time-bound certificates were not eligible to receive the new ID card. The Government also indicated that ethnic Nepalese who have family members living in refugee camps in Nepal would be eligible; however, reports suggested that this has not been implemented.

Restrictions on Religious Freedom
While there remained subtle pressure on non-Buddhists to observe the traditional Drukpa values and some limitations on constructing non-Buddhists religious buildings, the Government took steps to improve religious freedom in the country. There were no instances of the Government barring non-Buddhist missionaries from entering the country.

According to some NGOs, the teaching of Nepali and Sanskrit continues to be banned in Bhutan. The Government indicated that the teaching of any language is permitted; however, Nepali and Sanskrit are not part of the curriculum in formal schools.

Followers of religious groups other than Buddhism and Hinduism generally were free to worship in private homes, but NGOs alleged that they were prohibited from erecting religious buildings or congregating in public. Some Christian groups reported that religious meetings must be held discreetly, especially in rural areas, for fear of the authorities. They also alleged that the official government record does not allow them to note their religious affiliation as Christianity. The Government denied this.

No new buildings, including places of worship, can be constructed without government licenses. Reports by ethnic Nepalese citizens suggested that this process favored Buddhist temples over Hindu ones. The Government provided financial assistance for the construction of Buddhist temples and shrines and funding for monks and monasteries. NGOs alleged that the Government rarely granted permission to build Hindu temples; the last report of such construction was in the early 1990s, when the Government authorized the construction and renovation of Hindu temples and centers of Sanskrit and Hindu learning and provided state funds to help finance the projects. The Government argued that it was a matter of supply and demand, with demand for Buddhist temples far exceeding that for Hindu temples. The Government stated that it supported numerous Hindu temples in the South, where most Hindus reside, and provided some scholarships for Hindus to study Sanskrit in India.

Certain senior civil servants, regardless of religious identity, are required to take an oath of allegiance to the king, the country, and the people. The oath does not have religious content, but a Buddhist lama administers it. Dissidents alleged that applicants have been asked their religious identity before receiving government services.

Abuses of Religious Freedom
In the late 1980s and early 1990s many ethnic Nepalese residents, a majority of them Hindu, were forcibly expelled or voluntarily left as a result of discrimination. The Government claimed they were illegal immigrants with no right to citizenship or residency. Some of those expelled asserted the right of return. While the Government accepted that at least a few hundred have a legitimate claim to citizenship, it has not permitted them to return. Approximately 100,000 persons remained in refugee camps in Eastern Nepal. (For a more detailed discussion, see the 2008 Country Report on Human Rights Practices.) The Government resettled citizens from other parts of the country on government-owned land in the South vacated by the expelled ethnic Nepalese. Human rights groups maintained that this action prejudiced any possibility of land restoration to returning refugees. The Government contended that this was not its first resettlement program and that in the past it had resettled some ethnic Nepalese citizens from the South to other areas.

Some NGOs claimed that no Hindu temple or Christian church was allowed to be built in the country. Conversions to Christianity take place, but Christians are not allowed to openly pray or to build churches. They are restricted to practice within the confines of their homes.

Forced Religious Conversion
There were no reports of forced religious conversion, including of minor U.S. citizens who had been abducted or illegally removed from the United States or who had not been allowed to be returned to the United States.

Section III. Societal Abuses and Discrimination
There were no reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Societal pressures toward non-Buddhists were reflected in official and unofficial efforts to uphold the "spiritual heritage" (Buddhism) of the country. While there were no reports of the repetition of the excesses of the late 1980s and early 1990s, societal pressure for conformity with Drukpa Kagyupa norms was prevalent.

Section IV. U.S. Government Policy
There are no formal diplomatic relations between the U.S. and the Government. Informal contacts between the two governments took place frequently. During these exchanges, U.S. officials discussed governmental discrimination against the ethnic Nepalese minority.

Periodically throughout the reporting period, officers from the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi discussed religious freedom with the Government in Thimphu in the context of refugee problems and the Constitution. U.S. officials stressed the importance of constitutional guarantees for religious freedom and the protection of minority populations. The officials also reiterated the importance of finding a lasting solution for the mostly Hindu refugees in Nepal in order to demonstrate the Government's commitment to religious tolerance.

The U.S. Government also worked to promote religious freedom and other democratic values by sponsoring travel of several citizens to the United States under the International Visitors, Humphrey, and Fulbright programs.

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from australia again

here are some more pics. there was deusi play much ahead of tihar and another troupe of dancers at the function

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Bhutanese Australians show their culture

the bhutanese resettled in melbourne, albury and woodanga celebrated their anniversary of being australian bhutan coinciding with dashain festival. here are some of the selected photos that my dereast brother (Mamako Choro) dinesh acharya sent me. please ennjoy them.

 

the larger face of the entire team at the show

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brother gets accompany of his dancer-cum-partner

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my dear brother does his MC role

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the organiser gang

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the dancer troupe

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The quake wake

The devastating earthquake of 6.3 Richter scale on September 21 and several aftershocks have not only caused a huge physical destruction but also terrorized general public and exposed the national caliber to tackle natural disaster.

Even after two weeks of the disaster, the government is yet to make a full account of the loss and damages. And what government is preparing for adjusting with possible future disasters is unclear.

Relief supports are not well managed and people still are forced to take shelter in sheds. Thousands of the people in the eastern districts are still living outside their homes. The windstorm, torrent rainfall and the aftershocks are triggering more damages, causing obstacles to little efforts made for relief support to victims.

According to the statistics made available by the government on October 5, at least 4,595 houses, 184 government buildings and institutions, 748 cultural properties were damaged and 47 people injured.

Of these, 1446 houses, 17 government buildings, 187 cultural properties were non repairable. The figures are likely to grow as rescue teams enter deep into rural areas.

In Mongar district alone 1991 houses have been damaged, followed by Trashigang 1571 and Trashiyangtse 573 houses. Most schools and Basic Health Units (BHU) of Trashigang have been damaged. The government said it cannot estimate the cost of damages.

Government officials say, how can it be possible to value damage to stone and mortar structures, built by the villagers themselves, with one wall smashed and a deep crack running right through the other? Even more difficult to value is the damage to old monasteries and lhakhangs and sacred kus and ngangtens (inner relics). Many of them are priceless.

The donation drive for relief support continues to pour in. The office of the Gyalpoi Zimpon has received about Nu 3 million in cash from Bhutanese people and agencies, as well as a few foreigners so far. Of this, Nu 300,000 was donated by Hindu community in Thimphu. The association of graduates, Youth Voluntary, donated Nu 500,000.

Bhutan Chamber of Commerce and Industries and government employees are making arrangement for more donations. Thimphu residents have organized dance parties to raise funds. Several districts are planning cultural shows to collect cash and kind.

Royal Bhutan Army, Royal Bhutan Police and members of the Sherubtse college's social service unit (SSU) have been mobilized across the districts to carry out relief activities.

Questions have been raised whether Bhutan has the resources to start rebuilding. Earthquake damages are addition to damages of infrastructure caused by heavy rainfall in May and July.

Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley briefed representatives of international agencies in Bhutan and has opened his basket for financial assistances. He made attempts to ensure transparency to fund given by donors for earthquake relief support by failing to rely on his words, a team of World Bank and UN system in Thimphu has set out for tour to six eastern districts to assess the loss and estimate cost for repair. Read more!

Rough road ahead for Dzongkha

Dzongkha, which came into existence in 1960s, is at the crossroad either to collapse or get strengthened. Repeated conferences, discussions and huge investments failed to attract youngsters into this national language.

In over half a century, the national language of Bhutan has developed defiance than attraction among young people who lure to learn English – thanks to their efforts that these young people from Bhutan have well established their reputation in South Asia in terms of English standard.

The Dzongkha Development Commission usually calls for two debate series annually and make recommendations to the government for promotion and development of the national language. However, owing to its responsibility towards other development and policy level activities, the government has not been able to concentrate to what is recommended thus develops no proper plans.

In addition, selling the idea of Gross National Happiness, that has received enthusiastic response from some countries, has diverted much of the resources of the government meant for national language. While Dzongkha was a priority for the government in 1970s and 80s, GNH has replaced it since the turn of new century.

Trends have adequately reflected of dying age for his young language. The new generation of the country produces countable number of personalities giving interests to it while majority not only ignore but feel superior to using English as their language of communication.

Media repeatedly reported that the language problem begins with a shortage of teachers in primary schools, where foundations are to be built. Last year education ministry reported that 150 out of 523 schools across the country did not have a language teacher while other 72 primary schools this year do not have a single language teacher and 116 schools have just one even after the ministry recruited additional language teachers to address the shortfall.

The Light Druk Yul campaign launched by the education ministry to draw volunteer teachers also invited only those willing to take up other subjects. As a result shortage of Dzongkha language teachers, especially in primary schools, has forced the general subject teachers to take up the classes of Dzongkha as well thus further degrading the standard in foundation classes.

The crisis is unlikely to end in near future. The newly elected government has other priorities – to meet the aspirations of the people as promised during the election campaigns and has little time to devout for Dzongkha compared to governments in the past years. Considering the lack of enthusiasm from political leadership even during the absolute regime years, the new leaders are obvious to sideline the issue.

During the DDC’s recent conference in Thimphu, 75 Dzongkha experts and the commission members made 62 recommendations to simplify and promote the language, make school curriculum interesting, implement uniform spellings and, overall, make Dzongkha easier to read and write. The pronunciations should also be based on spellings.

The conference recommended simplifying Dzongkha by making the words easier to understand and use. How this will be done is to be decided at the Dzongkha Development Committee meeting later this year.

The conference has further recommended that Dzongkha textbooks and dictionaries should be also standardized according to the level of the students so that it builds interest in reading and writing. They conceptualize the possibilities of writing mails in Dzongkha.

Difficulty of the language due to differences in tone and spelling in different places, no uniformity in the meaning of words and lack of further opportunities in the careers discourages people to choose Dzongkha teaching.

In many discussions of this kind, the government has been recommended to allocate more budgets so the additional experts can join the mission. However, with the change in form of government, advancement of the information technology that already entered deep into the closed Bhutanese society as well, has replaced Dzongkha as the priority sector for the government and the people.

Though the political leadership has lip service for culture, national language and Buddhism, it is their offspring who ignore these. Commercialism has filled the thought of young people and they know Dzongkha takes them nowhere. Even Secretary of the Dzongkha Development Commission Sherub Gyeltshen admitted given its bleak future prospect, the national language is being neglected when the students pursue higher education.

And Prime Minister Jigme Thinley says it is also important that a balance is being achieved given the aspect that the world is being a global village each day hinting that government gives priority to the international language.

Importance that government lays on Dzongkha language is reflected in Dzongkha language newspapers. Government provides public advertisement only to English versions while Dzongkha versions are to use these ads as supplementary. Contrarily, the law has made it mandatory that any newspapers should have its national language edition. Media owners had to fight to get government ads for their national language edition.

Merging of Dzongkha edition of the Kuensel newspaper with English is in one compelling readers for the language. It was proven in the first year of private media publications that Dzongkha readers are very few and that national language editions are unlikely to sustain, owing to poor response from the public.

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Notion and motion of unionism

Disintegration of unionism and collective bargaining is one of those features that make democracy charming and adorable. Unionism not only delivers bargaining calibers to workers but helps germinate affection, friendship and joint work. Collective effort is the final decider to make things happen.

The limitation of unionism bestowed by king-made constitution has been further kept right rein by the private sector of the country. The constitution provides for only one union per company, be it private or public, and this basic norm has been denied by the private companies.

Workers who wished to form associations as per the labor law have been told they will have to leave the company at immediate effect if they dare doing so. Bhutan Employment and Labour Act, 2007 has made it mandatory that there should be associations in any company with more than 12 permanent employees. Section 176 of the Act states that workers of an enterprise of 12 or more workers employed under contract of employment as per Chapter V, may form a workers' association to represent their interests.

Similarly, Section 177 of the Act says that no managerial employee shall be elected to a workers' association and the association shall not represent the interest of a managerial employee.

The need of a union to fight for the right of workers have been felt, though one has to live at the mercy of owners in the past years. An attempt to form such union in Bhutan Telecom was foiled by the government itself last year.

Thirty-eight regular and 34 muster roll employees of Bhutan Chemical and Carbide Ltd (BCCL) have been sacked at a time and they could do nothing to raise voice against illegal act of the employer. Only option for them was to appeal the Minister of Labor and Human Resources, with no prospects of getting any justice for the government functions in the interest of the business coterie. In fact, the political and business circles are formed of the people coming from same sources, who only appear for different role at different times.

The increasing conflicts between the owners and the workers are taking toll with owners stubborn to keep all associations out of their business territory. It was intentionally been discouraged for any associations of the workers fearing collective bargaining to raise salaries and other benefits. Functionally, this is one example showcasing how had been the workers under lawless Bhutan. The owners thought it otherwise that owner-worker conflict can be solved through dialogue had there been trade unions.

Bhutan Oil Distributor have been denying their employees due leave and promotions and even paying them less than the minimum salaries prescribed legally. And the workers have not been able to do anything about it so far. Accept what is given is way low wage workers adopt to survive now.

The Druk Thuendel Lerig, a construction firm of Tashi group of companies, has recently sacked more than 80 workers for the second time in a short notice, citing increasing losses that the company is incurring. Hundreds of workers at Pasakha industries lost their jobs last year. Many others, even now, cite the reasons of global recession for terminating employees. And speculations of creating anarchy by trade unions have come handy for the recruiters to disallow workers getting united, of late.

The culture of decision making in large companies is whimsical. It is a group of managers who take all the decisions and low level workers have no say in any of the processes or actions even if such decisions go directly against them.

Bhutanese media reports say that many workers from Pasakha industries are never given their salaries on time and were also deprived of incentives and benefits that have been clearly mentioned in their respective service rule books. "If we complain about it, the management takes adverse action against us," said Sunil, a worker. Another quote the threat from employers saying it is not India or any other country where such things exist.

Bhutan Today quotes a worker Sonam Phuentsho, "Economic growth begins with the sweat of labourers, but they are not protected; yet, managers who walk late into their offices, driving cool, branded cars, and talk over the phone for almost entire day enjoy all the rights, and if this continues it will only ruin the economy."

The government is mute spectator to all woes of the workers. Employees fail to get response from the ministries where they appeal and tactfully, bureaucrats discourage registration of any unions.

The whole story of happiness, once claimed to be eighth happiest country in the world, is certain to get out presenting the reality, where happiness is played upon by the political and business tycoons while voiceless people at the bottom continue to feel suppressed, undermined.

Had it been permissible, the business tycoons might have already branded these attempts of forming trade unions as 'terrorist groups' or those intending to fracture tranquility of their earning. To note, government has little strength to force the big companies to implement labor act since these companies have direct link with palace, now coordinated under Druk Holdings and Investments.

But, we (workers) shall overcome some day……..

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